CO48/61
National Archives, Kew,
Transcribed by volunteers from the ZA-IB and ZA-EC Rootsweb mailing
lists from digital photographs taken by Sue Mackay at the National Archives.
The original correspondence is filed in order of receipt. Here it has been
placed in alphabetical order according to the surname of the writer, with letters
by the same writer in chronological order, for ease of reading. Original
spelling has been maintained.
Letters were either addressed to Lord BATHURST,
Secretary of State for the Colonies, (starting My Lord), or to his deputy Robert
WILMOT-HORTON (starting Sir). Reference numbers, where given, refer to printed
page numbers stamped on the letters and will enable visitors to the National
Archives to locate the letter more easily. If a page number is not given then
the date of the letter will give a good idea of its whereabouts in the file.
ALL the 1819 correspondence was transcribed (see
CO48/41 through CO48/46) whether or not the writers emigrated
to the
BIDDULPH, Edward (son of Simon BIDDULPH)
204
Dammant Hill
Camberwell
25
Aug 1823
Copy sent to Major JONES
My Lord
Impressed
with a high sense of the Justice of His Majesty's Government I appeal with
confidence to your Lordship as presiding over the department of the British
Colonies on the behalf of my aged Father who has suffered much cruelty and
injustice from Major JONES, the Landdrost or
Magistrate for the District of Albany at the
I am the
more induced to take this step of representing to your Lordship the improper
conduct of the Landdrost, as almost every Englishman
looks upon you as the Foster Father of the new settlement. To you therefore My
Lord I appeal not only in the name of an injured Parent but also on the behalf
of Public Justice, claim your Lordships protection of the Laws and Liberties of
our Country trusting that the high authority with which you are invested (and
which you have ever exercised to the honour and prosperity of His Majesty's
Colonies) will be sufficient [paper folded at edge] furnish the partial and
unjust Judg [paper folded at edge] to succour the poor and oppressed.
For your Lordship's information [image
cut off at bottom of page] truth of whose statement has been corroborated by
disinterested individuals.
Copy
"Some months ago when my cattle
were kraaled for the night they were joined by 8 strong oxen, and as it was late
we thought it best to put them into the Fold with our own, to prevent them
trespassing upon our neighbours garden, however the strong oxen in a short time
broke out and part of our own cows with them into the adjoining garden, which
had no fence whatever around it to prevent trespass - Fortunately there was
little or no damage done. The cattle were driven out immediately by the
Constable, who gave them up to us without claiming any sum of money, either for
damage or poundage, but a few days after he came and demanded 26 Rix Dollars and 2 Shillings, being poundage charged at 14
Shillings, (= to 7 Shillings) a head. My Father thinking it a great imposition,
a fifth of the real value of the beasts, (whereas in parts of England six pence
only can be charged a head for poundage) and also 8 of them not belonging to us,
refused to pay it - no notice was taken of the business for a length of time
when the Constable came again and said that if we would pay his fee of 6d a
head he would overlook the other charge, we offered to pay [for] for our own 7
cows which he refused to take and said he would summons my father for the whole
[amount] which summons was served by him on the 2 Novr
1822 to appear before the Landdrost and Court of Heemraden on the 5th of Novr
which was attended to; when the Secretary informed my Father of the charge
against him, he replied Gentleman "I refused to pay the amount because I
considered it exorbitant, and I beg to know what are the laws in force with
respect to poundage". Major JONES the Landdrost
answered that if he came into a foreign country he must abide by the laws
without the Courts informing him what they were. The Court was then cleared -
in a short time my Father was called in, when the Secretary said Mr BIDDULPH the Court condemns
you to pay the Constables claim of 26 Rix Dollars and
2 Shillings and the costs of this action - this was done without their hearing
a word from my Father in his defence for when he wished to state the grounds of
his objections to the summons, he was silenced by the Court who said they had
nothing to do with his Objections - My Father then said, Gentleman I refuse to
pay and you will act as you think proper (these were his exact words) Major JONES
immediately flew into a passion and cried out this is contempt of Court, what
is the Law in this case - My Father replied Gentleman, I am sorry you have
taken it in this light for I did not mean any Contempt of Court and I hope you
will consider this a sufficient apology - The Court was then cleared but in a
few minutes My Father was called in again and told by the Secretary that the
Court had condemned him to 8 days imprisonment - my Father answered very well
and requested he might have a copy of the proceedings on the 12 Novr. Our poor old Father at the age of sixty five was sent
to prison at Grahamstown nearly 40 miles from his residence - 7 days after the
condemnation, and 7 days before the time allowed by the Dutch Law which grants
to every man 14 days and in some cases 21 days after sentence is past, he was kept
8 days in the same cell with criminals condemned for robbery and murder, on the
same allowance of provisions, without any bed and was not permitted to see any
person without the special order of the Secretary.”
Thus far My Lord is written by my
Brother who attended my Father at his trial, if it Can be called by that name -
but a Sister who is married at Cape Town writes that upon her husband receiving
the above account together with the copy of the proceedings desiring him to
take the opinion of the most eminent Lawyers, in a few hours he not only
obtained opinion of the professional men but also that of some of the first men
in power whose united advice was that my Father should immediately bring an
action against the Landdrost and the Court, for as
they had transgressed the Law and far exceeded their authority, they had no
doubt that he would recover heavy damages - This advice was sent to my Father,
but as it would be necessary for him to go to Cape Town to carry on the
prosecution, a distance upwards of 600 miles he gave up all hope of redress,
for besides the fatigue of such a journey he did not have the pecuniary means
even to commence an action. For to pay the fine and then still more exorbitant
costs of the Court, in which they had condemned him, he was obliged to sell
almost the whole of his stock to the first bidder and thus did the malice of an
iniquitous Judge become still more oppressive by condemning his whole family to
penury and distress almost to the wanting the common necessaries of life just
at the time when they were beginning to rejoice over the struggles they had
made to taste the sweets arising from the persevering industry.
Having thus shown to your Lordship
an instance of tyrannical perversion and mal administration of the laws in the
district of Albany and of our utter inability to seek for redress by the common
mode of procedure in the Courts - I trust that we shall find it in the Justice
and Humanity of the Government at home whose real interest it must ever be to
preserve unbroken by oppression the free spirit of our Nation in its Colonies.
I have the honour to subscribe
myself with the utmost respect
Your Lordship's
Edward BIDDULPH
Lieut RN
207
No
9
Sept 1823
Sir
I
have the Honour to acknowledge the favour of your letter and to state in reply
that it was a mistake of mine in copying my brothers letter when I wrote about the summons for my Father to appear
before the Landdrost which was on the 2nd Nov 1822.
It should be read 1821 for the whole of the affair transpired in that year, and
Major JONES is directly stated as being the Landdrost,
and so gross was the abuse of the power with which he was entrusted that even
in India and the Isle of France where I was in 1822 I heard rumours
of the cruel treatment and injustice which my Father suffered from him and so
notorious was the affair, that I have been informed that it appeared in some of
the newspapers, but I can safely affirm and pledge myself that it was not put
in by my Father or anyone connected with him - for we solely trust to the
humanity and justice of His Majestys Government for
redress
I have the honour to be Sir with
great Respect
Your Obt Hub Sr
Edward BIDDULPH
Lieut R N
BULLOCK,
Nancy (mother of William BULLOCK)
209
[To Sir Robert PEEL]
Willenhall
Turnpike Gate
September 14
1823
Honoured Sir,
I
Nancy BULLOCK, widow of Wolverhampton in the
Name ~ William BULLOCK, born at Tettenhall,
left
Your answer with all information will be thankfully
received by, Hon’d Sir
Your very humble servant
BULLOCK,
Solomon (brother of William BULLOCK)
Willenhall
Turnpike Gate
Near
Staffordshire
November 11th
1823
Honoured Sir,
Allow
me to resent you with a copy of a letter I have received from the Colonial
Office on the subject of my brother’s situation as a settler at the
Colonial
Office
October 1823
Mrs. N. BULLOCK is hereby informed in answer to her
letter of the 2nd instant that any letter she may think it necessary
to address to her son will be forwarded to the Cape of Good Hope if sent by her
in the first instance to the Secretary of State’s Office, Colonial Department
London under Cover, directed to R. WILMOT-HORTON Esq and she is also informed
that it would be advisable that the direction on the cover of her letter to her
son the name of the person who was head of the party with which her son
went to the Cape of Good Hope.
My
only motive in stating the above is that we as parties concerned cannot tell
who was the head of the party at the time he went out.
Could you be of service (as his mother is since dead) it would be most
thankfully received and be gratefully remembered. Should any expence be
incurred that might facilitate the discovery of William BULLOCK the same would
be [obscured] you through the hands of Sir John WROTTESLEY
MP for the
William BULLOCK
Born at Tettenhall
Staffordshire
Left
Aged 21 years
5 feet 8 inches high, darkish
complexion. grey eyes, dark hair
Your consideration of this statement and forwarding
the letter to the
Your obliged and humble servant
Solomon BULLOCK
JARMAN, M.A. (mother of Thomas JARMAN)
297
No.43
July 16th
1823
Sir,
I
should not have presumed to address you had I been aware of any other mode of
obtaining information, the anxious feelings of a mother will it is hoped be an
excuse for this liberty.
My
son Thomas JARMAN arrived at the
I was
told by a person lately arrived from the
I am Sir with great respect
Your humble petitioner
M.A. JARMAN
PIGOT, George
410
June 20th
1823
Sir,
I
have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 20th
Dec 1822 in answer to my communication to Earl BATHURST of 27th
August, in which I stated the alarm of the settlers at the Caffres being
invited into the settlement, assembling at Mr. MAHONY’s,
Mr.BROWN’s and Mr. STUBBS locations, close on this
side the Fish River’s bank, to barter with Government for Ivory; before closing
my letter I was enabled to state the fact of the murders of Mr. MAHONY’s servants the result of that traffic.
In
the month of May last they were again invited to the same place for the same
purpose, and extraordinary as it may appear the same week I received your
answer to my original complaint the Caffres produced only two teeth to the
Government agents, as Government gave them only red clay in return, but they
told STUBBS (who was in the habit of constant intercourse with them) that they
had plenty of ivory at hand. STUBBS with some others met them accordingly and
was in the act of procuring ivory and cattle in exchange for wire, beads &c
when some Hottentots by the direction of the Officer commanding at the Post
seized the cattle and ivory with two boys (STUBBS’ sons) and took them to
Graham’s Town. The Caffres, considering that this was a trick of STUBBS to get
the cattle before they had completed their bargain, murdered him. He was the
head of a party, had been particularly industrious, and has left a wife and
several young children.
I do
not mean to vindicate STUBBS for trading contrary to orders, but how
discouraging to see exertions to have these barbarians brought amongst us, in
opposition to our wishes and remonstrances.
In
the faith that the British Government would [obscured] me more protected, I
have established myself in a way that would not disgrace a settlement of many
years standing; having done so, it is out of my power to quit the country. Sir Rufane DONKIN intended
establishing a fair for the colonists but as it was to have been held on the Keiskamma, the Caffres could not then have lingered in the
woods, as there is a fine open country between it and the Fish River, which if
inhabited could effectively protect itself and the country in its rear.
In
March last I transmitted to Earl BATHURST a duplicate of a statement of the
settlers to the British Government* which, with the original that was signed by
two hundred of the principal settlers, I hope arrived safe. I trust my
sentiments are sufficiently known at the Colonial Office to satisfy them that I
would not sign any statement that was not correct, loyal, respectful and moderate,
and I beg it may not go unobserved that persons of the description of Mr.
PARKER, Mr. BURNETT &c have not been permitted to sign this statement. As
in your letter of the 20th Dec you refer to the new Levy I will
state a few facts concerning it, gathered from my close intercourse with the
persons called on to enrol. Had conciliating measures been resorted to every
man would have entered, this I can vouch for, from having myself sworn in two
hundred; it was the general feeling that they were willing to take the new oath
of allegiance and to serve for the defence of the District, but they objected
to the oath as it was worded, the violent measures taken to enforce the oath
and the insults offered to half pay officers made the measures obnoxious and has
driven many of the settlers out of the District, among whom were most of my
party, after my having built their houses and kept together at great expence
for three years.
Since
writing the above I have received a letter from my brother on the subject of quit
rents paid by the Boers, which he did not sufficiently understand to explain
[obscured]. A Dutch Boer’s farm contains from four to six hundred acres of land
for which he pays from twenty to one hundred rix
dollars quit rent. Lord BATHURST’s circular letter to
the settlers states that they are not to pay more than two pounds (which at the
present rate of exchange is twenty five rix dollars)
for every hundred acres, consequently a farm of two thousand acres, which is as
large a portion as any of the settlers enjoy, the quit rent would amount to
five hundred rix dollars.
As
our titles have not yet been given to us we cannot say how much of this quit
rent will be required, but we are naturally very anxious on the subject,
particularly as a small grant given to me by Sir Rufane
DONKIN of 92 acres (the only instance of the quit
rent being known) is charged twenty rix dollars.
Small as this sum may appear in England, it is quite unreasonable here, where
we have no other prospect than following the Dutch Boer’s system (which has
been so much abused) of grazing farms; for I am fully convinced by experience
we can never grow grain to any extent, and even if the climate would permit it
the present high price of wages would effectually prevent us.
With
respect to the slaves I named to my brother the Landdrost,
the Secretary and District Clerk as employing them, merely as persons
immediately connected with the settlers, but every shop keeper or fresh
resident from
My
brother mentions that you told him you thought we ought to have a preference in
receiving prize slaves as apprentices; this would indeed be a great thing for
us, but if we had also a preference in engaging Hottentots it would in a great
measure make up for the want of slaves. I hope you will excuse my suggesting to
you a plan for distributing these prize slaves.
The
heads of parties consisted of two classes, one who brought out articles
servants, the other merely a nominal head, the party being perfectly
independent having paid their own deposits. As the first class in principal
suffers from the loss of their servants, I submit that they should receive
prize slaves in proportion to the number of articled servants they brought out,
for I assure you it is this class of person that has suffered and is still
suffering from the repeated losses we have sustained. As well as the want of an
acknowledged gradation in [obscured] for the natural effect of a Government of
this sort must be to place every one on a level, except the supreme head or his
chief magistrate the Landdrost of the District.
I
continue to be as partial to the country and climate as ever, and I have no
doubt of ultimate success. I am convinced I could not have established myself
in any of the other British Colonies at so easy a rate as I have done here,
although I have expended several thousand pounds. I am now turning my attention
to sheep and Spanish wool, which I am persuaded may be
grown to any extent, we only want a direct communication from
I
hope there is nothing in this letter that can be construed into disaffection to
the Government, which believe me is far from my principles. The
proximity of my residence to the spot where these murders have been committed
and the welfare of the poor people around me compelled me to make mention of
it.
I am
much obliged to you for your promise to my brother to write to Mr. [MIGG?] on my behalf. I shall be most happy to give him any
information with respect to the new settlement which my local knowledge may
enable me to do.
I have the honor to be Sir
Your most obed’t servant
Geo. PIGOT
*Transcriber’s Note: George PIGOT’s
transcription of the statement is filed in CO48/61, as is the original document
with the original signatures (see transcription below under Settler Statement)
PIGOT, Richard (brother of George PIGOT)
407
March 22nd
1823
Sir,
I beg
leave to solicit your intercession on the behalf of my brother Mr. George PIGOT, a settler in the District of Albany,
At
his earnest request I did myself the honor of applying to you on Wednesday last
for another Party to be sent to him at the expence of Govern’t,
but as you gave me to understand there was no hopes of success it is my
intention to send him some apprentices and beg you will be pleased to point out
to me how such indentures are to be drawn up, sufficiently binding to both
parties, so as to enable me to obviate the difficulty that arises in his
absence; in which case whether the Gov’t will grant
land in the same proportion as to the settlers that went out in 1820, but with
the advantage of paying the same quit rent the Dutch farmers do for such
grants?
My
brother is very desirous of [acquiring?] a house in Graham’s Town as his
[obscured] avocations oblige him to be there frequently, being one of the Hemraaden, and should there be no objection to his having a
small spot [granted] to him for that purpose I beg you will be pleased to use
your interest with the Colonial Gov’t.
Mr. PIGOT states in Sept. 1822 the disadvantages which he and
the other settlers labour under, by the Dutch that have grants of land in the
District of Albany employing slaves; and specifies the Landrost, his Secretary
and his Clerk among others; this enables them to undersell the settlers in
produce, they being prohibited from employing slaves. The period of servitude
agreed upon by the settlers with their parties will expire in May next
[obscured] this hardship will be more severely felt by them as the price of
labour from 4s 6d to 5 shillings per diem.
Mr. PIGOT refers in his letters to traffic that is established
by the late Gov’t with the Caffers
(upon the
The
servitude of the parties having nearly terminated, each individual will hire
himself in that district where he can obtain the best pay, which will leave the
settlers on the Frontier in a more defenceless state.
Having
commanded the 21st Rgt. Lt. Dragoons at
the
I have the honor to be Sir
Your most obed’t servant
Rich’d PIGOT
Major General
SCOTT,
Katherine (mother of George SCOTT)
452
No.2
May 5th
1823
[The petition of Katharine SCOTT] widow
Sheweth
That your memorialist is a poor widow who intirely depended on her son for her support in her old
age, Mr. George SCOTT, son of the late Mr. SCOTT Barrack Master at Sheerness,
who went out settler to Algoa Bay in November 1819. Your memorialist sent him
five hundred pounds to enable him to cultivate the grant of land given to him
by Government - he sunk a thousand pounds in the undertaking, all of which he
lost - he had thirty seven men, women and children to support – three years the
crops failed, which caused his utter ruin – his mind and body could not see his
hopes crushed without acutely feeling – he nearly lost his senses – sickened
and died with a broken heart and left your memorialist in want – infirm and
sickly – she was to have gone to him – it was on that account she advanced her
all, which deprives her of the means of support. Thus situated your memorialist
can only hope your Lordship will be graciously pleased to take her truly
forlorn situation into favorable consideration and grant her some relief – she
is now pining on a sickbed – almost starving in daily fear of being drove into
the poorhouse – she trusts this appeal to your Lordships humanity will not be
made in vain. Your memorialist will ever pray as in duty bound
Katharine SCOTT
SETTLER
STATEMENT
401
Grahamstown
March 10th
1823
The
subscribing colonists in
Whatever
may have been the individual disappointments incidental to so numerous an
emigration, they do not present themselves before his Majesty’s Government with
any complaint of the natural disadvantages of the country to which they have
been sent; and they have ever been actuated by one undivided feeling of respect
and gratitude for the liberal assistance of the British Government, a feeling
which future reverses can never efface. And they most gratefully recognise an
additional instance of the same favourable disposition in the late modification
of the colony’s law of succession; which they hail as a pledge that their
interests (when not opposed to that of their fellow subjects) will never be
lost sight of by His Majesty’s ministers.
Although
the settlers must lament that in its earlier stages the prosperity of the
settlement has been checked in several important instances through the
misapprehensions of the general or local authorities, yet they gratefully
acknowledge the prompt and generous exertions of government in procuring the
means of subsistence at the commencement of the settlement and in alleviating
as far as possible the severe visitations of repeated and total failures of
their wheat crops.
They
cannot omit the expression of their particular gratitude to the acting
Governor, Sir Rufane DONKIN,
who devoted to their prosperity a great share of his personal attention; to
whom they owed the establishment of a town in the centre of the new settlement,
as the seat of its magistracy; and a system of military defence during which
they were free from Caffre depredations. By which
measures, as well as by arrangements for a friendly intercourse with the
Caffres, and by his solicitous attention to the interests and wishes of the settlers
he inspired them with a degree of energy and hope of which they are now left
only the recollection.
It is
the peculiar hardship of their situation, placed in a remote corner of the
British dominions, with their whole interests and prospects committed to the
unlimited controul of one individual, and possessing
no security that their situation is thoroughly understood or properly
represented, that they have been debarred all means of expressing their
collective sentiments upon matters of the utmost importance to their common
interests.
It
has long, and from the most distressing proofs, become evident to the settlers
that the colonial government, situated at the opposite extremity of the colony
(where every particular, whether of soil and climate or the constitution,
pursuits and interests of society, is totally different) possesses no adequate
means of ascertaining their actual wants.
Under
this conviction it was contemplated by a small number of the principal settlers
to consult together upon the most adviseable mode of
making His Excellency the Governor acquainted with the peculiarities of their
situation; but this intention was met not only by positive prevention but by
public imputation against the views and motives of the settlers in general
which they feel to be wholly unmerited.
Being
thus prevented from communicating with the colonial government they have for
twelve months continued to labor under the effects of
a series of measures calculated only to extinguish the small remains of
enterprise and confidence that had survived the numerous disappointments they
had previously encountered; and when at length their situation from the
increasing and unpunished incursions of the Caffres had become really
insupportable they were reduced to the necessity of requesting permission to
meet in the manner pointed out to them as legal for the purpose of making their
situation known to his Majesty’s government. But as this also has been
virtually denied to them they are obliged to content themselves with offering
to your Lordship this imperfect but faithful sketch of their situation in
general, but more particularly of the uniform reversal of every measure
previously resorted to for their advantage.
As it
does not appear that many natural obstacles are opposed to their advancement
they are induced to submit a candid statement of the artificial disadvantages
by which they are surrounded, in the confident hope that this settlement will
not be allowed to fall a sacrifice to them.
Upon
their arrival they found themselves placed, according to the terms accepted by
them in England, before they were aware of the peculiarities of this colony,
upon grants of 100 acres each in a country where it still appears necessary to
the subsistence of the native farmer to grant him 4000 acres; this, together
with the withholding two thirds of the deposit money, which it was stipulated
should be repaid after location, had the effect of precluding the majority of
the settlers from pursuing the mode of farming usual in this country and of
directing their attention exclusively to agriculture.
Although
the disappointments hitherto suffered in this pursuit must be, in a great
measure, referred to extraordinary and unavoidable causes, yet the settlers
cannot but observe that their future prospects appear totally barred by the
weightiest artificial obstacles.
Besides
the injurious effects of the distinction above mentioned, in drawing away a
portion of the settlers to more profitable pursuits, the remaining part, who
may possess land of an extent worth attending to, can have no inducement to
raise a surplus produce while the colonial government reserves to itself in the
entire supply of the troops the monopoly of the only internal market; and they
can never look for an external trade while the prosperity of this part of the
colony continues to be subservient to the local interests of Cape Town; while
no direct trade is allowed to Algoa Bay; while no exportation is permitted
except through Cape Town, and dependant on the state of that market; and the
advantages of possessing a sea port is, in a great measure, lost to the
settlement; while every article of import brought to Algoa Bay or the Kowie is burdened with all the expences of a reshipment
from Cape Town.
The
establishment of the town of
The
most pressing and insupportable of their grievances arises from the constant
depredations of the Caffres, who have, within a few months, committed several
murders and deprived the settlement of the greater part of its cattle. These
depredations are, in a great measure, produced by relinquishing that line of
policy which held out to those tribes a hope of procuring, by friendly barter,
such commodities as their acquired wants have rendered necessary, and which
they are now obliged to procure by force or theft; by discountenancing and
withdrawing the military force from the new settlement of Fredricksburgh
and permitting the Caffres to plunder and force the settlers to retire, and
ultimately to burn it to the ground; by withdrawing from the Fish River a line
of posts which had previously effectually protected the settlers; by refusing
aid to the more advanced farmers, plundering parties have been encouraged to
drive those in, and afterwards to extend their incursions to all parts of the
settlement and even beyond it; by exasperating that tribe which had hitherto
preserved the appearances of friendship, in attempting to seize their Chief Gaika in his own village; and by withholding from the local
military authorities that discretionary power with which they were formerly
vested, which, by enabling them to enforce summary restitution, showed the
Caffres that the offence must instantly be followed by the punishment, whereas
by waiting the decision of the commander in chief, 600 miles distant, in every
emergency, offences are allowed to accumulate to an alarming amount and the
slender means of defence the settlement possesses deprived of the power of
acting with promptitude is forced to present to the Caffres at once the
appearance of enmity and weakness.
It
thus appears to the colonists that instead of the new settlement ever deriving
any advantage from the civilization of these savages the existing measures can
only lead to a war of mutual extermination.
The
settlers refrain from adverting to other numerous and serious obstacles to the
prosperity of this settlement arising from the system of government and laws to
which they are subjected, from the enlivening assurance that these
considerations continue to occupy the attention of His Majesty’s ministers.
When
they contemplate the immense resources of fertile and unappropriated territory
this colony possesses in their immediate vicinity and the provident care of the
British Government to preserve the future inhabitants from the contamination of
slavery, they cannot but cherish the hope that their present distresses are
only temporary; and that at no distant period a numerous and flourishing colony
may be here governed upon British principles and by British laws.
[Signed]
Geo. PIGOT
Dun.
R.H. RUBIDGE
Thomas PHILIPPS
John STANLEY
P. DANIEL
P. DANIEL Jun
Nath. MORGAN
Charles DALGAIRNS
James COLLIS
J. PAWLE
John BROWN
John
D.P. FRANCIS
J. Burnet BIDDULPH
H.A. CRAUSE Capt. HP
Sam LIVERSAGE
James CARNEY
Arthur BARKER
John Henry
Simon BIDDULPH
Chas. MOUNCEY
John STUBBS
Hezekiah SEPHTON
Thomas SEPHTON
Alex BISSET Lt. Ret
Robt Wood BAGOT Capt HP 47th Rt
Geo. SMITH
George CLAYTON
Fed.
Peter CAMPBELL
Charles HYMAN
Isaac WIGGILL
Robt Blair GREEN
William CLAYTON
Josiah DAVIS
John Centlivres CHASE
Edw. FORD
Jno. MATHEWS
P.R. MARILLIER
Henry LLOYD
Sam BIRT
J. WEEKS
John DOULD
Will.
Js. LAPPEN
Ths WELLS
Thos. BRENT
Joseph COOPER
Tho. SLATER
Philip KING
John BUCKLEY
Saml. RUDMAN
Henry KING
Thos. OVERY
Jos. WILMOT
Thos. BAKER
John OVERY
Benj’n
PATRICK
Wm. DOWSON
Will’m
SAMPSON
B. LEECH
Jas. RICHARDSON
Thos. SIMPSON
James KENT
Dan FARLEY
Ts’n BEALE
Thomas PEEL
Wm. NEATS
Joseph WALKER
Thomas DERBYSHIRE
Mich’l
KING
Rich’d
SIMPSON
Peter BOLD
Jos. WEAKLY
John SAUNDERS
Benj’n
HARTLEY
Wm. HART
Rich’d HULLEY
George WHITEHEAD
John MANDY
Christopher WEDDERBURN
Rich. HAYHURST
Wm. H. SURMON
John KIRKMAN
Henry HENKER?
Mich’l
FITZGERALD
Samuel DUXBURY
S.H? BRADSHAW
Thos. MILLER
Will’m WEDERBURN
Jos’h KING
John SMITH
R. CROUCH
Will SIMMONS
Frederick HAWKES
Wm. DUXBURY
Rich’d
BRADSHAW
James FITZGERALD
Wm. BLAIR
Amos BOUSHER
Wm. PRENTICE
David CAWOOD
James VICE
Wm. WILLIAMS
James CAWOOD
Will’m
BOND
J. Henry HEATH
William CAWOOD
Thos. HEWSON
Wm. MOUNTFORT
John CAWOOD
Ch’s Jo’n LUCAS
Rich’d
FORRESTER
Robert KELBRICK
William FORWORD
Will. CALVERLEY
Will’m GRADWELL
Chas. BREEZE
Morris SLOMAN
Stephen GRADWELL
John SMITH
W. KIDSON
Robert FOXCROFT
William ENNIS
John PURDON
Thos. WAKEFORD
John TAYLOR
Rt. HORN
P. Thos. MILLS
Rich’d BOUSHER
Fdk. MOLTBY
T.P.
Thos. BERRINGTON
Thos. STYLE
Henry VOKINS
Jesse PAXTON
Benj’n
HALL
Wm.
Wm. EATWELL
Rob’t PIRIE
Francis WHITTAL
Jeremiah HONEY
Geo. BLACKMORE
Thomas HARTLEY
John MARSHALL
Thos. CALVERLEY
Geoge WATSON
Thomas WENTWORTH
Will. CALVERLEY
Benjmin NORDEN
Chas. GRUBB
Thos. BROEN
Edw. Hunt DELL
John PANKHURST
Thos. WALKER Sen
Tobias THARRATT
George PRATT
Thos.
Geo. MARSDEN
James WILMOT
Wm. PRATTEN
Benj’n
WILMOT
Rich’d PICKSTOCK
James HISCOCK
John FOURNIER
Hy GRAY
Wm. COMLEY
Wm. John EARLE
Thos. FILMER
STRUTT, Colonel re David Polley FRANCIS
454
7 June 1823
Colonel STRUTT presents his comps to Mr. WILMOT and forwards to him
a packet which he has received from the Rev’d J. CARWARDINE the clergyman of
Mr. David
FRANCIS is a sensible man but the accompanying out of the settlement will not
Col. STRUTT supposes give information to government,
but he sends it, hoping to be excused for so doing, because he is requested by
the very respectable clergyman Mr. CARWARDINE.